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Spring/shock setup, alignment, sway bars and power differences, along with the FRS/BRZ's complete lack of camber up front even under compression. I attribute this not to one thing but a combination. I feel the FRS is less tail happy, even on corner exit than the AP1.

#CW13 MILWAUKEE FULL#
In my AP1 that would have lead to full opposite lock and a "pucker". Would someone who has increased their negative camber up front chime in on this please? I surmise with 1-2 degree of negative camber up front that same lift-on-entry would then result in oversteer.
#CW13 MILWAUKEE MAC#
I attribute that to the lack of dynamic camber in the Mac struts and the front tires getting over burdened abruptly. I would even enter a corner and lift the throttle on entry and I still got understeer (neutral to understeer). It might be better for oversteering than the BRZ but the FRS by no means is overly tail happy.

In fact I came to the conclusion that it doesn't happen by accident, you have to want it to happen, to forcibly induce it. I had my FRS out on a track on Sunday and I don't think it has a "tendency to oversteer" at all. Although social network did not buffer the effects of trauma, evidence that trauma did not affect resilience among AAs is important for explaining ethnic differences in mental health outcomes of older adults.Is it that the FRS has too great a tendency to oversteer and maybe dialing out the understeer of the BRZ to so something more neutral, but still less oversteer than the FRS is the ideal setup? Amount of trauma associated negatively with resilience in CWs only (b=-.04, p<.05). A stronger social network associated with greater resilience in both CWs (b=.68, p<.0001) and AAs (b=.54, p<.0001), but did not moderate the effect of cumulative lifetime trauma on resilience in either group. Ordered logistic regression models, constructed separately by ethnicity, were adjusted for age, sex, and education, with interaction terms used to test for stress-buffering. A summed variable represented the supportive social relationships with a partner, family, job contacts, and parents. Traumas included death of a child, major disaster, combat, victimization, and life-threatening diagnoses. This study included 9,633 participants (61% female mean age=68, range 50–104 years 87% Caucasian/White (CW), 13% African-American (AA)) of the U.S. We examined whether a more supportive social network associated with higher psychosocial resilience after exposure to trauma, and if this could help explain the paradox. That effect may contribute to the ethnic paradox in aging, where African Americans report greater mental health in later adulthood than Caucasians, despite similar or greater levels of adversity. The stress-buffering hypothesis posits that possessing a more supportive social network may also limit deleterious consequences of threat. Such resilience has been defined as the ability to maintain psychological health when faced with adversity (Southwick et al., 2014). Strengthening psychosocial resilience may help avert the development of mental health problems. University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California, 2. Davis School of Gerontology, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California PSYCHOSOCIAL RESILIENCE AND THE ETHNIC PARADOX: EFFECTS OF SOCIAL NETWORKS AND CUMULATIVE TRAUMA
